This year marks the hundredth anniversary of the Sam-il Independence (or March First) Movement that began on 1 March 1919 in Seoul and quickly spread throughout Korea. The movement was comprised of a series of demonstrations constituting some of the earliest displays of Korean resistance to the Japanese annexation and colonisation of Korea (1910鈥�1945).
In the wake of World War I, a group of thirty-three Korean religious and cultural leaders signed the 鈥淜orean Declaration of Independence鈥� co-authored by historian Ch鈥檕e Nams艔n (1890鈥�1957) and poet Manhae (1879鈥�1944). They were inspired by US President Woodrow Wilson鈥檚 address at the 1918 Paris Peace Conference, which promoted the right to self-determination for small and large countries alike. The declaration called on the Japanese Government-General of Korea to withdraw immediately and voluntarily from the peninsula.
Three thousand copies of the declaration were distributed throughout Seoul that morning. In response, tens of thousands of Korean citizens from all walks of life poured into the streets waving the Korean flag, singing the national anthem, and shouting Mansei, Mansei (May Korea Live Ten Thousand Years)! At 2.00pm, the protestors gathered at Pagoda Park to hear the declaration read publicly. It advocated peaceful demonstrations that would appeal to the international community for assistance in Korea鈥檚 bid to reclaim its freedom.
The movement quickly fanned out across the country, inciting another 1,500 anti-Japanese demonstrations attended by over two million Koreans, in 211 of the country鈥檚 218 administrative districts. Astounded by its scale, the colonial government ordered extra garrison forces from Japan, and responded brutally to the demonstrations. The movement was finally suppressed a year later, but during the 鈥榶ear of blood鈥� (Korea Review, 1920) around 7,000 Korean nationals were killed by Japanese police and soldiers, and more than double that number were injured. Many Japanese nationals lost their lives as well.
Yet even as images of the clashes between demonstrators and the authorities appeared in news sources around the world, no nation stepped forward to challenge Japan鈥檚 authority in the peninsula. Japan had recently won the first Sino-Japanese War (1894鈥�1895) and the Russo-Japanese War (1904鈥�1905), and its 鈥榮phere of influence鈥� was rapidly gaining traction.
In response to the demonstrations, the Government-General promulgated a new law on 15 April to sentence ten years鈥� penal servitude on any person caught participating in independence demonstrations. As a result, new and less obvious forms of resistance arose, such as student strikes and acts of passive disobedience. Outspoken activists were forced underground, or agitated for reform in overseas Korean communities. In Shanghai, for instance, the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea was founded under the leadership of Syngman Rhee (1875鈥�1965).
In Japan, the Sam-il Movement inspired many Japanese to scrutinise Korea鈥檚 place in the empire for the first time since Japan鈥檚 annexation of the peninsula in 1910. In the mainstream papers, the 鈥榠nsubordinate鈥� behaviour of the Koreans and Western missionaries was mostly held responsible for the unfolding crisis.
For the handful of Japanese agitators rallying for Korea鈥檚 independence who were willing to speak out amidst the Japanese government鈥檚 climate of heavy censorship, the demonstrations and their subsequent suppressions presented opportunities to mount appeals for conscionable action on what became known as the 鈥楯apan-Korea problem.鈥�
These public responses presented a range of ideological perspectives on the Japan/Korea issue. One of the most influential minds of the era, the renowned liberal Yoshino Sakuz艒 (1878鈥�1933), viewed colonialism as a noble venture but described the crisis as a 鈥榟umanitarian problem鈥� that required the immediate abandonment of discriminatory treatment towards the Koreans. The journalist and political economist Ishibashi Tanzan (1884鈥�1973) considered the Japanese annexation of the peninsula as a contravention to Japan鈥檚 national welfare due to the depletion of Japanese resources, and thus advocated for Korea鈥檚 self-determination. Another left-leaning intellectual, Nishio Suehiro (1891鈥�1981), pronounced Korea鈥檚 colonisation an abysmal failure, describing the forced assimilation of the Koreans 鈥榓s futile as attempts to extinguish a raging fire with an old-fashioned hand-pump鈥� (Taiy艒, 1920).
Criticism of Korea鈥檚 colonial governance also came from the right: the Kokury奴kai (Black Dragon Society) formed in 1901 by Uchida Ry艒hei (1874鈥�1937) was opposed to granting the Koreans their independence, but argued that 鈥榙omestic self-governance鈥� could help advance stability in the region.
One voice weighing in on the debate that may have surprised many readers was the art critic and philosopher, Yanagi S艒etsu (1889鈥�1961). Horrified by the brutality of Japan鈥檚 response鈥攁nd what he considered to be a lack of condemnation of this response鈥擸anagi began writing prolifically about Korea in various newspapers and journals.
Many of Yanagi鈥檚 texts mobilised the 鈥榞reat art鈥� of Korea to corral attention to his argument for the reinstatement of the country鈥檚 independence and better treatment of the Koreans. 鈥業 believe it is art, not science, that connects countries, and brings humans closer together,鈥� he declared in his first essay published in May 1919, two months after the demonstrations began. 鈥極nly artistic and religious understanding can appreciate the experiences of the inner heart, and generate an infinite love鈥� (鈥楾hinking of the Koreans,鈥� 1919).
The following year, Yanagi made a bold statement expressing support of the Koreans: 鈥楾he governors are attempting to assimilate you. But how is it that we who are so imperfect have the authority to do so? 鈥� You must dismiss Japanisation鈥� Korea鈥檚 unique beauty and freedom of the heart must not be violated by other things鈥� (鈥楲etter to My Korean Friends,鈥� 1920).
In 1922, Yanagi鈥檚 increasing frustration with Japan鈥檚 expansionist agenda and his sympathy for the Koreans attracted considerable publicity as he openly described Japan鈥檚 annexation of the peninsula as 鈥榓 morally unforgivable act鈥� (鈥楥ritique: Alexander Powell鈥檚 Evaluation of Japan鈥檚 Governance in Korea鈥�).
In August that year, he released an urgent appeal in the essay 鈥楾he Historic Korean Monument Slated for Demolition鈥� protesting the colonial government鈥檚 plans to demolish Seoul鈥檚 Kwanghwamun Gate in order to make way for the imposing Western-style Capitol building that would serve as the Government-General鈥檚 headquarters.
Kwanghwamun Gate was a wooden structure with a stone base fronting the most revered of Korea鈥檚 Five Grand Palaces, Ky艔ngbokkung. The gate was a cherished symbol of Korea鈥檚 enduring nationhood, initially erected in 1394 at the behest of the new Chos艔n dynasty鈥檚 founder, Yi Song-gye (1335鈥�1408). Following its destruction by Japanese invaders in the late sixteenth century, it lay in ruins for two and a half centuries before it was rebuilt in 1867 from public donations.
Yanagi appraised the gate as an important legacy of traditional East Asian art, which he viewed as increasingly imperilled by the encroaching tide of Western and Japanese modernity. 鈥楿nfortunately, the people who have the capacity to save you are not the ones grieving for you,鈥� Yanagi lamented. 鈥楳any people have been forced into silence over your fate, and for that reason, I am taking their place and exercising my right to free speech鈥� (鈥楬istoric Korean Monument,鈥� 1922).
In the weeks following the publication of this essay, which caused a furore in Japan, the Government-General bowed to public pressure and retracted its demolition plans for Kwanghwamun, much to the enormous relief of many. The gate was instead dismantled and moved to a nearby location, where it was later destroyed in the Korean War (1950鈥�1953). In 1968, under Pak Ch艔ngh怒i鈥檚 administration, the stone base of the gate was again relocated to the front of the Capitol building, where it underwent a reconstruction in concrete.
In 2006, another project began on Kwanghwamun which restored much of the gate鈥檚 wooden structure and relocated the gate to its original position 14.5m to the south. Completed in 2010, it stands at the northern end of Kwanghwamun Plaza in Seoul鈥檚 Jongno-gu district. It is a popular site for tourists, and each year attracts many visitors who jostle to take photographs of the royal changing of the guard ceremonies held daily.
Although ultimately the Sam-il Movement failed in its aspiration to reinstate Korean sovereignty, it did manage eventually to garner global attention and convince the Government-General to review its oppressive era of 鈥榤ilitary rule鈥� (budan seiji) that characterised the first decade of Japanese governance in Korea. In August 1919, Admiral Saito Makoto (1858鈥�1936) took over the reins of Governor-General, ushering in a new, more conciliatory era of 鈥榗ultural rule鈥� (bunka seiji). The Japanese intellectuals who had dared to question the brutality of Japan鈥檚 response must have gained enormous satisfaction from this official shift in policy, even as it failed to reach the full level of its promised implementation.
Importantly, the movement also rallied a sense of national unity and indirectly led to the preservation of some of Korea鈥檚 important cultural properties. Today, 1 March is a public holiday in both North and South Korea in recognition of Korea鈥檚 struggle for independence.
Featured image: Kwanghwamun Gate, Seoul (photograph by author, 2016)